We checked 31 political science journals on Friday, December 12, 2025 using the Crossref API. For the period December 05 to December 11, we retrieved 46 new paper(s) in 20 journal(s).

American Journal of Political Science

The public agglomeration effect: Urban–rural divisions in government efficiency and political preferences
Theo Serlin
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Why and when do cities vote for the left? The emergence of the urban–rural divide in the United States in the 1930s is inconsistent with canonical theories of cleavages. This paper introduces an explanation: agglomeration effects. The provision of government services is more efficient in urban environments because of nonrivalries, economies of scale, and access costs. If the public sector in cities is more efficient, and voters face a trade‐off between taxation and government spending, urban voters support more spending. When redistribution is salient, one should observe an urban–rural electoral divide. As predicted by a formal model, more‐urban locations faced lower costs of providing public services and shifted toward the Democrats as the party implemented the New Deal. In addition, urban voters were more supportive of government spending. In the United Kingdom, the urban–rural divide also accompanied the rise of redistributive politics. Agglomeration effects influence preferences for redistribution and create political cleavages.
An ecclesiastical court: Christian nationalism and perceptions of the US Supreme Court
Miles T. Armaly, Jonathan M. King, Elizabeth A. Lane, Jessica A. Schoenherr
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Recently, scholars have increasingly examined the unique blending of Christian and political ideology known as Christian nationalism. During this period, the US Supreme Court has increasingly ruled in ways that favor Christian nationalism, and Court watchers have criticized several justices for showing bias toward Christianity at best and Christian nationalism at worst. We use two large, nationally representative samples to examine the connection between Christian nationalism and attitudes about the Court. Observationally, we ask if this ideology relates to support for the Court's decision to overturn abortion rights and agreement with the use of nonlegal and religious logic in decisions. Experimentally, we test whether exposure to a story about Justice Alito flying a Christian nationalist flag can legitimate the use of religious decision‐making logic. We find support for all three propositions, indicating the Court's recent turn has real effects on its supporters, its legitimacy, and, potentially, its future behavior.

American Political Science Review

Peace Dividends: Criminal Governance, Rational Violence, and Economic Development
BRUNO PANTALEÃO
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In this article, I show that in contexts where the state fails to deliver order and security, criminal organizations can paradoxically facilitate economic development. I consider the case of the Primeiro Comando da Capital [“First Capital Command”] (PCC)—a Brazilian prison gang that has achieved hegemony over the criminal market of a large region and become the de facto regulator of violence and organized crime in São Paulo. Employing a robust difference-in-differences approach on granular administrative employment data, firm creation registries, and satellite-based nighttime luminosity (as a proxy for informal economic activity), I provide causal evidence that the PCC’s stable, rule-based criminal governance significantly increased local economic opportunities. My findings challenge conventional wisdom on the negative economic externalities of crime, demonstrating that hegemonic, institutionalized, and non-extractive criminal governance can generate positive economic externalities by reducing violence and uncertainty.

Annual Review of Political Science

Did Globalization Undermine Governance and Spur a Backlash?
Judith L. Goldstein, Edward D. Mansfield
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A substantial literature on the decline in support for liberal trade policies and globalization has emerged. Most of these accounts, however, do not adequately address the puzzling issue of why it took so long for governments to respond to rising discontent stemming from trade globalization's economic effects. The literature we review suggests that government actions during this era were shaped by neoliberal principles that established powerful ideological and institutional constraints. To promote trade and growth, political leaders and policymakers were committed to reducing government's footprint in the economy. That commitment inhibited both their interest in and ability to respond to globalization's impact, fostering an environment ripe for antiglobalist political entrepreneurs. We argue that the neoliberal cast of the contemporary era of trade globalization, together with the associated rules-based multilateral regime that restricted member states’ flexibility, may have sown the seeds of the backlash against it.

British Journal of Political Science

The Dynamics of Public Opinion in Direct Democracy Campaigns
Adrien Petitpas, Pascal Sciarini
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Do initiative and referendum campaigns enable voters to make coherent decisions? Do the dynamics of opinion formation differ across ballot measures? Despite extensive research on direct democratic processes, these questions remain underexplored. Using rolling cross-section data on two citizen-sponsored initiatives in California and two referendums in Switzerland, we examine the dynamics of voters’ knowledge about party cues and arguments for and against ballot measures in the run-up to direct democratic votes. Moreover, we assess the extent to which these dynamics help voters to cast votes that are in line with their party cue and consistent with their position on arguments. The results present a nuanced picture: while campaigns increase voters’ knowledge and help them to make more coherent choices, there is significant variation across ballots in knowledge acquisition and resulting degree of in-line and consistent voting.
Company Towns: Single-Industry Dominance and Local Government Capacity
Elizabeth Mitchell Elder
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Many localities in the United States are, or have been at some point in their past, economically dependent on a single industry. This leaves local governments vulnerable to capture by dominant firms. In such places, business interests may shape not only policy outcomes, but the size, structure, and capacity of government itself. Focusing on the case of eastern coal country in the twentieth century United States, this paper presents evidence that the coal industry hindered the growth of local government capacity where it was dominant. A difference-in-differences design and instrumental variables analysis show that coal-dependent counties employed fewer public workers, collected less tax revenue, and spent less on government services than comparable areas, with the latter two effects persisting long after the industry’s decline. These findings illustrate that local political economy in the early phases of institutional development can shape the trajectories of governance in lasting ways.

Electoral Studies

Party organizational strength and voter turnout in authoritarian regimes
Juhyeok Lee, Nam Kyu Kim
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All the “Missing” ladies: Attribution bias in candidate selection after electoral setbacks
Selcen Cakir, Elif Erbay, Konstantinos Matakos
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Applicability of quantitatively predictive logical models at subnational level of governance: Testing the Seat Product Model on Polish, Czech, Hungarian and Slovak regional elections
Pavel MaĆĄkarinec
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Could you please repeat it? The effect of language, and language variety on trust in multinational settings
Toni Rodon, Bernat Puertas, Avel·lĂ­ Flors-Mas, NĂșria Franco-GuillĂ©n, Sergi Morales-GĂĄlvez
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European Journal of Political Research

Personal attacks or policy debates? How voters respond to negative campaign messaging
Alan Duggan, Caitlin Milazzo, Harry Applestein, John Barry Ryan
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Previous research suggests the effects of negative campaigning are highly conditional on country context and the specific messages that are used. In this paper, we present an experiment on negative campaigning in an unexamined context in which existing studies could point to differing outcomes. We examine the effect of attacks placed in campaign leaflets on a candidate’s personal traits and policy positions in Great Britain. Unlike prior studies, our treatments are contrast ads and not purely negative ads. While the inclusion of positive messaging from the sponsor could increase voters’ parasocial relationship with the candidate, shielding them from backlash, the results from our experiment suggest that British voters view attacks on personal traits as too negative and lower their evaluation of the sponsor as a result.
Too honest and humble to run for office? Citizens’ personality traits, nascent ambition, and recruitment – ADDENDUM
Marc van de Wardt, Pirmin Bundi, Peter John Loewen, Anne Rasmussen, Lior Sheffer, Frédéric Varone
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Coalition government and the electoral consequences of legislative organization – ADDENDUM
Lasse Aaskoven, Shane Martin
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Second-order beliefs among citizens, elected political elites, and unelected political elites: Insights from Norwegian climate policy
Ingrid Faleide, Åsta Dyrnes Nordþ
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Second-order beliefs – what political actors think others think – can shape agenda-setting and even shift public opinion. Because of the collective-action nature of mitigating human-caused climate change, such second-order political beliefs are particularly important to study. Through an innovative survey design focusing on a policy proposal to introduce meat-free days in canteens, we present the first simultaneous comparison of ordinary citizens’, locally elected political representatives’, and centrally employed public administrators’ own opinions and their ability to accurately identify the majority position of citizens. While citizens are split in their opinion on meat-free days in canteens, a clear majority of unelected elites support it, and most elected elites do not support this policy. Nonetheless, we find that all three groups tend to underestimate the level of policy support among citizens. Through rigorous analysis, we show that elected elites are significantly more likely to underestimate public support for a meat-free day compared to citizens and unelected elites. These results provide important insights into the dynamics of democratic governance and suggest that underestimation of citizens’ support for climate policies may further complicate an already challenging policy area.

International Organization

Making Bribery Profitable Again? The Market Effects of Suspending Accountability for Overseas Bribery
Lorenzo Crippa, Edmund J. Malesky, Lucio Picci
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In February 2025, US President Trump signed an executive order blocking the initiation of any new investigations or enforcement actions under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA), which had made it unlawful for US companies to bribe foreign public officials. We analyze market valuations of publicly traded multinationals on US financial markets before and after the announcement. On the day of the executive order, former FCPA targets whose stocks are publicly traded experienced returns on equity markets that were about 0.69 percentage points higher than what would have been expected from stock market trends. The effects cumulated substantively, resulting in capitalization gains for the portfolio of past targets of corporate corruption cases of about USD 39 billion and outsized returns to shareholders. These results allow us to contribute to long-standing debates about how much of the costs multinationals experience from corruption are due to legal enforcement versus the inefficiency and uncertainty it generates for firm operations. When legal enforcement is removed, valuations of firms at risk of corruption rise dramatically, indicating that investors perceive the legal costs as an important threat to investment in corrupt firms. Suspending FCPA enforcement is thus likely to induce market confidence in risky investments.

Journal of Conflict Resolution

How Peace Treaties Can Influence Countries’ Climate Policies
Tobias Böhmelt
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Peace agreements increasingly contain environmental provisions, yet we know little about the impact these clauses might have. This study is the first to systematically assess whether and how environmental terms in peace treaties can influence states’ climate policies. I argue that peace accords help establish the foundations for legalization and the rule of law in post-conflict societies, which facilitates that environmental terms lead to actual legislation. I analyze over 2,000 peace agreements and thousands of climate mitigation policies from 1990 to 2024, using multiple estimation strategies. The findings show that peace agreements’ environmental provisions are associated with the adoption of climate policies in post-conflict periods. This relationship holds even when exploring environmental outcomes, accounting for countries’ self-selection into environmental terms, or considering moderating factors like institutional capacity. The study contributes to the literature on peacebuilding and environmental politics, offering new insights into how peace agreements can shape post-conflict settings.
Historical Analogies and Public Support for Foreign Policy Action
Christopher Blair, Paul Lendway, Joshua A. Schwartz
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Politicians frequently use historical analogies to justify their preferred foreign policies. However, despite their prevalence, it remains unclear whether, how, and why they shape public opinion. We conduct the most comprehensive experimental test to date of the impact of historical analogies on the U.S. public’s foreign policy preferences and find compelling evidence that analogical appeals increase mass confidence in leaders’ foreign policy decisionmaking. We also illustrate several of the key mechanisms underlying this dynamic and show that historical analogies are more effective at shaping public opinion than (arguably) less rational presidential justifications like “gut” or intuition. Finally, we demonstrate that analogical reasoning is no more effective at moving public opinion than other types of rational justifications leaders use, such as appeals to experts, and that these other communication strategies impact public opinion through similar mechanisms as analogies. This suggests analogies are just one of many potentially effective devices in leaders’ broader rhetorical toolkits. Our results reveal the logic and limitations of an important elite communication strategy in foreign policymaking, and contribute to the growing literature on foreign policy attitudes and political communication.

Journal of Experimental Political Science

Ordering Effects in Stereotype Scales
L.J. Zigerell
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Stereotypes about groups are commonly measured by asking participants to rate the groups on a scale. However, the percentage of participants who stereotype a group can be affected by the order in which participants are asked to rate the groups. Data from a randomized experiment in the American National Election Studies 2022 Pilot Study indicated that a group was more frequently positively stereotyped relative to another group when the group was asked about first in the pair of groups, compared to when the other group in the pair was asked about first. Researchers are therefore advised to randomize the order of groups in a stereotype battery to evenly spread this ordering effect across groups and are also advised to design stereotype items to minimize this ordering effect.
Non-Electoral Accountability: Citizen Sanctions on Traditional Leaders in Sierra Leone
Rens Chazottes, Junisa Nabieu
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How do citizens in Sierra Leone perceive the legitimacy and feasibility of sanctioning their chiefs outside of elections? This study investigates perceptions of non-electoral sanctions through a pre-registered survey experiment in Sierra Leone. We find that citizens view indirect sanctions – such as appealing to higher authorities – as more legitimate and feasible than direct actions, and that the range of acceptable sanctions expands with the severity of the offense. Community elders’ involvement increases the perceived legitimacy of sanctions, highlighting their role as political intermediaries. Finally, respondents’ social status moderates their perceptions of both the legitimacy and the feasibility of sanctions. These results suggest that even in highly hierarchical settings, citizens may retain some capacity to discipline chiefs, though accountability seems primarily mediated through vertical institutions rather than direct collective action.

Journal of Peace Research

Researching human rights violations: Assessing research-related stress among research assistants
Dara Kay Cohen, Cassy Dorff
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How does participating in research on difficult topics affect research staff? While investigations of research-related stress (RRS) have increased in recent years, most are focused on researchers’ direct interactions with survivors during field-based research. Less is known about the consequences of intensive research based on primary and secondary sources such as human rights reports and news sources. We surveyed over 100 current and former research assistants who worked on large-scale human rights abuse and political violence data coding projects. Using an ethics-based framework of balancing risks and benefits, we evaluated both the self-reported harms and benefits of this coding work. We find that signs of stress are common; 88% of respondents reported experiencing at least one indicator of such stress. At the same time, nearly all respondents reported their experience was more positive than negative, along with numerous benefits, such as gaining new perspectives and research skills. This study provides some of the first systematic empirical evidence regarding desk-research-based RRS and has implications for the ethics and practice of conducting research and directing research teams studying challenging topics.

Journal of Theoretical Politics

A theory of presidential centralization with politicization
Nathan D. Gibson
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The strategies of centralization and politicization have long served as a foundation for presidential influence over federal policymaking. However, most previous work has studied these strategies informally and/or in isolation. This article employs formal models of both centralization and politicization to explore the trade-offs presidents face when deciding how to create and influence policy. The models present several unique findings. First, contrary to existing literature, the president’s ideal level of politicization is not monotonically increasing in ideological distance between the president and agency, but, after initially growing, is replaced by centralization. Second, congressional veto threats can exert substantial influence on the centralization/politicization decision apart from altering agency ideology. Finally, in a model that focuses on oversight of policy implementation, centralization and politicization serve as strict substitutes. More generally, the model illustrates how the joint examination of presidential tools can reshape our understanding of presidential actions.
Spies in a barrel: When to reel in espionage
Afiq bin Oslan, T. Ryan Johnson
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How do secrets affect international order? We present a formal model of counterintelligence as policy. In our model, the state can learn foreign agent activities from choices in preceding periods. Agents can moderate these actions to suppress the likelihood of discovery. States will only intervene when espionage exceeds a tacitly-agreed threshold, and excesses emerge when agents lack incentive to moderate activity. Non-intervention or escalation depends on executive capacity to detect, future benefits of positive state relations, and restraint by the intelligence community. Egregious punishment of spies and blowback from an executive’s audience make avoiding escalation harder, and intelligence leaks produce ambiguous effects on the stability of relations. We discuss these findings in the context of historical and popular accounts of covert activities revealed to the public.

Legislative Studies Quarterly

Generic title: Not a research article
Issue Information
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Effects of Seating Arrangements on Parliamentary Collaborations
Laurence Brandenberger, Teodora Bujaroska
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Does parliamentary seating affect parliamentary behavior? In this paper, we dig into the question of whether spatial proximity affects the behavior of elected representatives. Using data from the 50th legislative period of the Swiss parliament and an inferential network model, we estimate the effects of different operationalizations of seating proximity and find that direct and indirect left and right neighbors tend to support each other's legislative work. However, when ideological and regional closeness (among other factors) is controlled for, the proximity effect remains small, pointing to the limited effects of seating proximity on legislative behavior.
The Duration of Caretaker Periods and the Formation of Parliamentary Governments
Francesco Bromo
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In this article, I focus on an understudied aspect of the cabinet formation process in parliamentary democracies: the caretaker periods associated with it. Building on the existing literature on government formation, I discuss conceptualization and measurement of caretaker periods, defined as periods during which a government is no longer or cannot be tolerated by a majority in the legislature, and encompassing the process of formation of a new government that is and can be tolerated by the same or a different majority. I leverage a dataset of parliamentary events that, on the basis of this conceptualization, allows me to separate full‐power cabinets from caretaker periods rigorously and systematically according to a country's specific constitutional arrangements. Using survival analysis, I examine over 900 caretaker spells across 34 countries between 1945 and 2020. My goal is to assess how institutional and contextual differences account for variation in the duration of caretaker periods, as well as the government formation processes taking place during these periods, across countries and over time. The evidence helps paint a more refined picture of how new cabinets emerge and the occurrence of delays under different sets of conditions in the context of caretaker periods.

Party Politics

Book review: The House that Fox News Built? Representation, Political Accountability, and the Rise of Partisan News ArceneauxKevinDunawayJohannaJohnsonMartinVander WielenRyan J., The House that Fox News Built? Representation, Political Accountability, and the Rise of Partisan News. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2025. ÂŁ22.99 (pbk), xiv + 229 pp. ISBN 978 1 009 43207 8.
Michael Auslen
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Perspectives on Politics

Administrative Burden’s Mass Political Effects: How the Administration of Medicaid and Elections Shapes Mass Voter Turnout
Meredith Dost
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Many studies have shown that individuals who interact with government programs subsequently participate in politics at levels different from before, whether higher or lower. While most prior work examines the effect of policy recipiency, or program administration in one geographic location or at one snapshot in time, I study how the administration of Medicaid, a federal program administered by states, varies over time and by place, and how its variation in administration affects mass-level voter turnout. I argue that there are two highly salient sites of contact with the administrative state when considering effects on voter turnout: government programs and elections. I theorize that administrative burden from these sites creates interpretive effects on both those with direct public program experience and those whose experience is indirect, which shapes the likelihood of voting. Using a generalized differences-in-differences design and applying my separate, original measures of Medicaid and electoral burdens, I find that having a higher level of Medicaid burden resulted in a small but significant decrease in county-level turnout in recent national elections, net of Medicaid expansion status, burdens associated with registering to vote and voting, and other factors. These results imply that contact with the administrative state, via government program administration and elections, is a critical way in which policies shape mass-level political participation.

Political Geography

Restoring landscapes to build common futures: Land redistribution and environmental action in rural Scotland
Adrien Chanteloup, Jayne Glass, Harry W. Fischer
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The geography of the party on the ground: Local branches in Italy and Sweden in the late twentieth century
Duncan McDonnell, Sofia Ammassari
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Does climate adaptation aid reach those most in need? Sub-national evidence from Philippine provinces
Niklas HĂ€nze, Viktoria Jansesberger
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Political Psychology

The dangers, directness, and purposes of online collective actions
Catherine G. Lowery, Matthew Edwards, Laura G. E. Smith
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Most research on online collective action investigates low‐effort, social media‐based actions rather than tactics with highly disruptive potential. To better account for the variety of forms of collective actions that use digital technologies, we conducted an open‐source intelligence search (Study 1a) and an expert consultation survey (Study 1b; N = 21), to create a database containing 31 types of actions. In Study 2, we interviewed activists ( N = 20) and found six key dimensions underlying those actions. In Study 3, participants ( N = 273) rated the actions across the dimensions. Based upon the (dis)similarities of each action's rating across the dimensions, we identified two main types and five subtypes of online collective actions: Ingroup‐assisting actions (collaborative resource generation, ingroup mobilization, and digital picketing) and outgroup‐attacking actions (disruptive clicktivism and technology‐enabled attacks). The results showed that digital collective actions substantively differ from each other based on the six underlying dimensions, from the social psychological function, to the skill required, to the groups being targeted. This work offers a multi‐dimensional explanation for the variations across the domain of online activism and offers a way forward for future collective action work to explore psychological motivations underlying choices across action type.

PS: Political Science & Politics

Teaching Israel-Palestine Across the Atlantic: Addressing Affective Polarization and Dehumanization through Dialogic Education
Ilkim Buke Okyar, Sebnem Gumuscu
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This article examines the pedagogical challenges and opportunities of teaching the Israeli–Palestinian conflict amid rising global polarization and campus tensions. We report on a cross-institutional course taught concurrently at Middlebury College (United States) and Yeditepe University (Turkey) after October 7 that was designed to address affective polarization and dehumanization through dialogic education. Drawing on mixed methods including pre- and post-semester surveys, student reflections, and podcast projects, we assess the impact of dialogic practices such as structured dialogue, active listening, and engagement with Israeli and Palestinian peace activists. Our findings indicate that dialogic classrooms (1) deepen historical and analytical understanding of the conflict, (2) foster empathy and curiosity, (3) mitigate polarization even in politically divided contexts, and (4) humanize opposing perspectives without erasing convictions. These results underscore the value of dialogic pedagogy for teaching contentious topics across sociopolitical boundaries and suggest its adaptability to other polarizing issues in political science.
Simulating Three Foreign Policy Decision-Making Models with 13 Days
Jordan Roberts
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This article describes a novel series of classroom simulations for teaching Graham Allison’s (1971) three seminal models of foreign policy decision making (i.e., the Rational Actor Model, the Organizational Process Model, and the Bureaucratic Politics Model) and demonstrates the effectiveness of those simulations. The simulations utilize the commercially available board game, 13 Days: The Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962. The game is a close approximation of the Rational Actor Model. The author developed two additional rule variants to represent the Organizational Process Model and the Bureaucratic Politics Model. The effectiveness of the simulations was evaluated with both a survey and a quiz administered to a treatment section that experienced the simulations and a control section that did not. The results indicate that the simulations are effective pedagogical tools associated with higher student excitement and enjoyment of the material, higher quiz scores, and an increased ability to self-assess understanding of the material.

Public Choice

Cash versus digital payments in the public and private sectors: effects on petty versus grand corruption
Rajeev K. Goel, Michael A. Nelson
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Recently, governments around the world have been pushing for greater payment digitalization in an effort to curb corruption and illegal transactions through greater traceability. However, evidence on the effects of these policies has so far been scant. Using data on a large cross-section of countries, this paper investigates the channels through which digitalization affects corruption in the public sector. Our results show that digitization measures (e.g., increasing internet access, reducing the digital divide, and transition to e-government) lower overall corruption, mostly by reducing petty corruption. The same measures do not impact grand corruption. Reliance on cash payments is positively associated with corruption, though we find no effect for government transfers and pension payments in cash. Collectively, these findings caution against the notion that digitalization efforts will be a panacea against corruption.
An evolutionary model of rent-seeking and inequality norms in a Tullock contest
Ratul Lahkar
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On the prevalence of Condorcet’s paradox
Salvatore Barbaro, Anna-Sophie Kurella
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The Condorcet paradox has been a significant focus of investigation since Duncan Black and Kenneth Arrow rediscovered its importance for economic and political theory. Recent research on this phenomenon has oscillated between simulation studies, probability calculations based on hypothetical voter preferences, and empirical analyses of single election studies. This paper presents a comprehensive evaluation of 253 electoral polls conducted across 59 countries. Our findings demonstrate that the Condorcet paradox has virtually no empirical relevance: we find no robust evidence of cyclical majorities in any of the 253 elections. This result remains robust after statistical inference testing. Furthermore, this study provides insights into which parties are particularly likely to emerge as Condorcet winners and explores how these Condorcet winners assert themselves after elections.
Enforceable transitional provisions in national constitutions
Sumit Bisarya, Tom Ginsburg
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The Journal of Politics

How (not) to Keep a Promise in Two Stages: The Context-Dependent Gaps Between Parties' Representational Goals and Outcomes Through Nomination and Election
Elena Frech, Philip Manow, Tomas Turner-Zwinkels
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Registering Returning Citizens to Vote: A Field Experiment in North Carolina
Allison Harris, Hannah Walker, Ariel White, Jennifer Doleac, Laurel Eckhouse, Eric Foster-Moore
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Matching Bounds: How Choice of Matching Algorithm Impacts Treatment Effects Estimates and What to Do About It.
Marco Morucci, Cynthia Rudin
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Did Shelby County v. Holder Increase the Racial Turnout Gap?
Kevin T Morris, Michael G. Miller
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Expressive Politics: How Animus and Cognitive Dissonance Affect Electoral Extremism
William Howell, Stefan Krasa, Mattias Polborn
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The Repression of Cultural Elites: Evidence from Argentina's Film Industry
Jane Esberg
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Breadth in Judicial Opinions
Amna Salam
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Workplace Peer Effects in Turnout
Magnus Carlsson, Henning Finseraas
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Is Inequality a Side Effect of Central Bank Independence?
Michaël Aklin, Andreas Kern, Mario Negre
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West European Politics

The rise of populism and the new cleavage
Hanspeter Kriesi
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