We checked 31 political science journals on Friday, November 07, 2025 using the Crossref API. For the period October 31 to November 06, we retrieved 56 new paper(s) in 20 journal(s).

American Journal of Political Science

Police department design, political pressure, and racial inequality in arrests
Andrew J. McCall
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This paper theorizes a source of bias in discretionary arrests: strategic limits on police officer learning. Officers have a variety of tactics at their disposal besides arrest that they use for less serious offenses when they judge the underlying behavior to be less severe. In departments led by a chief with special expertise in crime control, the chief's directives to change the severity threshold at which officers make arrests are a source of information about the most effective practices. However, if officers are uncertain whether their chief is swayed by political pressures, those directives will be less persuasive, especially when they align with what influential advocates want. This mechanism represents a constraint on the effectiveness of departments where chiefs have limited means to force subordinate compliance. With increasing Black political influence in cities since World War II, this inefficiency would have generated a form of anti‐Black structural racism in policing.
Learning by lobbying
Emiel Awad, Gleason Judd, NicolĂĄs Riquelme
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Effective lobbying requires understanding politicians' preferences, while the act of lobbying itself can reveal those preferences. How does this link between lobbying and learning shape relationships between interest groups and politicians? We develop a game‐theoretic model where an interest group can lobby a politician while learning about their ideological alignment. Our analysis highlights strategic tensions where interest groups balance information‐gathering against policy influence in their lobbying, while forward‐looking politicians manage their reputations to shape future interactions. These forces shape dynamics: Policies and transfers shift over time as uncertainty resolves, with early‐career politicians showing greater policy variance and extracting larger benefits through reputation management than veterans. Politicians with secure positions receive more favorable treatment due to their stronger incentives to appear less aligned than they truly are. Our results address empirical regularities and provide a theoretical foundation for understanding how lobbying relationships evolve across political careers and institutional contexts.

American Political Science Review

How Firms, Bureaucrats, and Ministries Benefit from the Revolving Door: Evidence from Japan
TREVOR INCERTI
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A growing literature finds high returns to firms with legislative connections. Less attention has been paid to returns from bureaucratic connections and to organizations beyond for-profit firms. Using data recording the first postbureaucracy position occupied by all former civil servants in Japan, I reveal a bifurcated job market for former bureaucrats. High-ranking officials from elite economic ministries are more likely to join for-profit firms, where they generate returns such as increased government loans and positive stock market reactions. Lower-ranking officials are more likely to join nonprofits linked to government ministries, which receive higher-value contracts when former bureaucrats are in leadership roles. These patterns suggest that while firms wish to hire bureaucrats who can deliver tangible benefits, ministries also shape revolving door pathways by directing benefits to ensure long-term career value for civil servants. These findings reframe revolving door dynamics as the result of both firm-driven demand and bureaucratic incentives.

British Journal of Political Science

How Are Social Groups Linked to the Vote? Social Group Perceptions and Party Choice
Rune Stubager
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Interest in the influence of subjective perceptions of social groups on political behaviour is increasing. While most extant work has focused on voters’ social identities and their related, expressive considerations about the social bases of parties, this article directs attention to two other considerations that may also influence the vote: voters’ evaluations of social groups, as suggested by reference group theory, and their instrumental considerations about the extent to which parties work to advance the interests of specific groups. Using both an observational ( N = 2,065) and a preregistered experimental study ( N = 7,090) about voter evaluations of social classes and the extent to which parties are seen as fighting for them in Denmark, the study shows how these considerations influence party choice over and above the influence of identity-based considerations. Thereby, the study is the first to show experimental evidence for the effect of group evaluations on vote choice.
Are Democratic Innovations Legitimate to the Broader Public? Evidence from Survey Experiments in Ghana
Eric Kramon
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‘Democratic innovations’, which enhance citizen participation in decision-making processes, have been proposed to address challenges faced by many democracies. Only recently has research studied these innovations’ legitimacy among the public, which is of importance if innovations are to be viable remedies for democracy’s problems. This paper advances this literature with survey experiments conducted in Ghana. Ghanaians ascribe higher legitimacy to citizen deliberative bodies (mini-publics), open participatory processes, and citizen-elite deliberation processes relative to the status quo. These processes generate more legitimacy among those who do not favor the process outcome. Ghanaians were most favorable towards citizen-elite deliberation , viewing it as more fair, democratic, and likely to ameliorate partisan tensions. I suggest that this is because citizen-elite deliberation is most consistent with Ghanaian understandings of democratic accountability. This highlights the importance of context in shaping democratic reforms’ legitimacy, with implications for theory and reform design.
Estimating the Impact of Drone Strikes on Civilians Using Call Detail Records
Paolo Bertolotti, Aidan Milliff, Fotini Christia, Ali Jadbabaie
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Drone strikes are a fixture of US counter-terrorism policy, often advertised as ‘surgical’ alternatives to ground operations. Drone strikes’ effects, however, are less precise than proponents suggest. Using data from over 12 billion call detail records from Yemen between 2010 and 2012, we show that the US drone campaign significantly disrupted civilian lives in previously-unmeasured ways. Strikes cause large increases in civilian mobility away from affected areas and create immediate, durable displacement: mobility among nearby individuals increases 24 percent on strike days, and average distance from the strike region increases steadily for over a month afterward, signifying prolonged displacement for thousands of individuals. Strikes are disruptive regardless of whether they kill civilians, though effects are larger after civilian casualties. Our findings suggest that even carefully targeted drone campaigns generate collateral disruption that has not been weighed in public debate or policy decisions about the costs and benefits of drone warfare.
Globalization, Higher Education, and Neoliberal Values: Evidence from the Bologna Process
Marco Giani
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Globalization’s emphasis on the knowledge economy gradually shifted universities’ objectives away from fostering social cohesion towards developing market skills. What kind of citizenship has emerged from this process? Using a staggered difference-in-differences design, I study the political economy legacy of the largest ever market-oriented transformation in higher education – the Bologna Process – for European millennials. I find evidence for a ‘neoliberal hypothesis’: the reform substantially increased the perceived importance of achieving status and wealth. By contrast, I find no evidence for a ‘humanist hypothesis’: The reform did not change the perceived importance of global equality and environmental issues. Ironically, the Bologna Process heightened the perceived importance of status and wealth without delivering long-run gains in income and employment. My findings dispute that universities indoctrinate students into left-wing politics, and suggest that market-friendly institutional change constructs the ‘student customer’.
A Rainbow Ceiling? Sexual Orientation and Party Leader Evaluations
Joseph Francesco Cozza, Gonzalo Di Landro, Andrea Aldrich, Zeynep Somer-Topcu
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How do citizens evaluate lesbian and gay (LG) party leaders? While recent scholarship has provided a window into how individuals evaluate openly gay legislative candidates, few studies have examined voter evaluations of LG individuals in executive positions, where voters may have different expectations of political leaders. This study assesses public perceptions of LG party leaders, with a focus on leader deservingness, competency, and electoral viability. Results from a conjoint experiment in the United Kingdom indicate that LG leaders receive lower leadership evaluations than straight leaders on all dimensions. Additionally, we find that gay women and men face similar penalties. This finding holds regardless of the leader’s level of legislative experience. Thus, LG party leaders face a significant disadvantage compared to their straight counterparts when seeking the top position within their party.
How to Distinguish Human Error From Election Fraud: Evidence From the 2019 Malawi Election
Johan AhlbÀck, Ryan Jablonski
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Voters and politicians often blame tallying irregularities on fraud, undermining perceptions of democratic and electoral credibility. Yet such irregularities also result from capacity failures and human error. We introduce several methods to assess competing causes of tallying irregularities leveraging the quasi-random administration of polling stations. Using these methods, we revisit the case of the 2019 Malawian presidential election which was famously canceled by the High Court due to widespread result-sheet edits and accusations of fraud. Contrary to the dominant consensus, we do not find evidence that edits were motivated by fraud or that they benefited the incumbent. Instead, we show that edits increased in proportion to the complexity of filling in result-sheets, suggesting a dominant role for human error. In addition to reinterpreting a historically important election, we also make the case that policy efforts to improve electoral credibility could productively be reallocated towards electoral administration rather than anti-fraud measures.
Acting Out and Speaking Up: The Parliamentary Behavior of Ex-Rebel Women
Elizabeth L. Brannon, Nikolaos Frantzeskakis
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How do women’s pre-election experiences influence their behavior in government? We examine women’s participation in rebel groups as a form of masculine socialization and theorize that former rebel women elected in the national legislature will continue to defy gender norms by being more active than their other women colleagues and more frequently discussing topics that are male-dominated and relate to their wartime experience. Using novel datasets of parliamentary speeches and rebel ties of elected MPs in Uganda and Zimbabwe, we find that women ex-rebels make more legislative speeches, including speeches on topics related to wartime experience. We find mixed evidence for speeches on ‘hard’ topics. These findings contribute to theoretical debates on women’s political representation, gender and conflict, and legislative politics.
Public Works and Intimate Partner Violence: Experimental Evidence on Women’s Economic Empowerment in Egypt and Tunisia
Robert A. Blair, Eric Mvukiyehe
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Do employment opportunities for women reduce intimate partner violence (IPV)? We address this question using harmonized field experiments in Egypt and Tunisia. In Egypt, we evaluate a public works program that disproportionately benefited women; in Tunisia, the program we evaluate benefited men and women equally. Consistent with a household bargaining model in which men perpetrate IPV to maintain dominance over their spouses, we find that the Egyptian program exacerbated IPV and heightened psychological distress, even among eligible women who were not randomly selected to participate, while the Tunisian program did not. Also consistent with this model, the Egyptian program increased women’s control over spending – a measure of bargaining power – while the Tunisian program did not. We rule out several alternative explanations for these results. Finally, we show that the Egyptian program’s adverse effects on IPV persisted over time, but did not spill over onto women in the community writ large.
Anti-Immigrant Bias in the Choice Between Punitive and Rehabilitative Justice
Sascha Riaz, Maik Hamjediers
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We study bias in judicial authorities’ efforts to rehabilitate and reintegrate immigrant offenders into society. Our empirical strategy leverages a distinctive feature of the German criminal code: the optional application of rehabilitative juvenile criminal law or punitive general criminal law for eighteen- to twenty-year-old offenders, based on a subjective assessment of offenders’ psychological ‘maturity’ by judges. Drawing on complete records of 792,000 court hearings between 2009 and 2018, we show that immigrant offenders are about ten percentage points less likely to be sentenced under juvenile law compared to natives convicted for the same crime. The immigrant–native gap in rehabilitative justice correlates with anti-immigrant sentiment across space and has spiked in recent years, suggesting a link between the salience of group-based identities and judicial decision-making. Our findings raise concerns about equal legal treatment and highlight that biases in the application of rehabilitative justice may contribute to higher recidivism rates among immigrant offenders.
Reluctance to Speak Your Mind: Changing Perceptions of the Costs of Speaking Out Among Black and White Americans
James L. Gibson
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Scholarly interest in whether ordinary people are willing to freely express their views on political matters has been piqued in recent times, owing in part to concerns about the consequences of political polarization. For instance, new evidence suggests a massive increase over the last several decades in self-censorship by both the American and German people. This article expands existing research on reluctance to speak out, with a focus on using US survey data on the stark and changing inter-racial and generational differences in perceived political freedom, and by documenting factors not related to self-censorship (such as individual-level polarization, gender, social class, etc.). I conclude with some speculation about the consequences of the loss of perceived freedom of speech for the quality of democracy.

Comparative Political Studies

Firm-Based Origins of Anti-System Politics
Matias Alberto Giannoni
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This article proposes a firm-based theory to explain the rise of anti-system politics, emphasizing the influence of firms on political attitudes. It argues that economic factors like globalization and technological change are insufficient explanations without considering firm strategies as meso-level mediators of structural changes. Low-road employers, who offer low-quality jobs, create a mismatch between workers’ economic experiences and expectations, fostering feelings of unfairness and political dissatisfaction. Using a differences-in-differences design based on changes in Italian retail regulation, the study finds that the entry of large, low-road retailers boosts support for a radical right party, Lega Nord. A conjoint experiment surveying Italian private sector employees ( n = 1340) links low-road employment, within-firm inequality, and out-group employment opportunities to perceptions of unfairness and anti-system political attitudes. These results highlight the importance of firm-level dynamics in political analysis.
The Local Costs of Moving: How Residential Moves Weaken Local Engagement
Hans Lueders
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How do residential moves influence movers’ engagement? Drawing on German household panel data, I demonstrate that moving leads to a temporary decline in local engagement but leaves national engagement unchanged. I theorize that this drop stems from weaker attachments to place, reduced local political knowledge, and disrupted social ties. Consistent with this interpretation, longer-distance moves—which tend to exacerbate these barriers—are especially disruptive to movers’ local engagement. I then use comprehensive administrative data on all moves in Germany to rule out an alternative mechanism: most moves occur between socio-politically similar environments, limiting opportunities for moves to influence engagement through contextual change. These findings depart from the prevailing focus in related scholarship on the United States, national engagement, and partisanship. By documenting the political consequences of domestic migration for local engagement, this study contributes to research on residential mobility and local democratic accountability.
Legacy of Resisting State Repression: Evidence From Gwangju Uprising in South Korea
Sangyong Son
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Legacy of state repression scholarship has examined how repression exerts long-term consequences for individuals, societies, and states. However, previous studies have paid limited attention to how initial responses to repression—ranging from non-resistance to resistance—mediate its long-term effects. I argue that responses to repression shape heterogeneous and persistent effects on political attitudes and behaviors through both selection into resistance and learning effects from joining resistance. I test this argument using a mixed-methods research design that combines surveys, lab-in-the-field experiments, semi-structured interviews, and a longitudinal analysis of career trajectories. I find systematic differences between resisters and non-resisters in both the levels and motivations of post-repression political activism. Resisters are more likely to engage in politics more actively and to prioritize the production of public goods through their activism. Semi-structured interviews indicate that the learning effects of joining resistance—specifically the acquisition of human capital and positive psychological changes—are crucial to sustaining political activism.

Comparative Politics

Review Article: The Qualitative Metamorphosis
Ajay Verghese
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For a long time, qualitative scholars found it hard not to talk about KKV. Designing Social Inquiry and its authors Gary (K)ing, Robert (K)eohane, and Sidney (V)erba galvanized an earlier generation of qualitative methodologists to write a number of important rejoinders contesting the meanings of terms and defending the very use of these methods. The authors of Doing Good Qualitative Research, Qualitative Literacy , and Integrated Inferences represent a new generation, one that has eschewed the shopworn debates of the past and is interested solely in developing and improving qualitative methods. These books constitute part of a larger and ongoing qualitative metamorphosis : the emergence of a new qualitative methodology that is more confident, inclusive, and one that is no longer willing to play by quantitative rules.

Electoral Studies

Patterns of regional and local council size
Simon Otjes
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Persistent breeze from the winds of change: Partisan alignments of protest participants after democratic transition
Zeth Isaksson
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European Journal of Political Research

Power and ideology – A comparison of citizens’ and politicians’ satisfaction with democracy
Benjamin Ferland, Valere Gaspard, Johan Savoy
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The scholarship on satisfaction with democracy has increased significantly in recent decades, with scholars investigating how democratic satisfaction influences political attitudes and behaviors as well as the individual and contextual determinants of citizens ’ satisfaction with democracy. To our knowledge, however, scholars omitted to examine the democratic satisfaction of politicians . Making use of survey data from the Comparative Candidates Survey, this research note addresses this gap in the literature. As a first step in this endeavor, we pose two objectives. First, we want to compare levels of democratic satisfaction across citizens and politicians in different countries to evaluate whether mass-elite gaps are apparent. Second, we want to replicate core findings from the research on citizens but with politicians. As such, we examine two hallmark findings in the literature on democratic satisfaction with respect to the role of ideological extremism/nicheness and the winner-loser gap at elections. Our study contributes to the growing literature on elites’ attitudes and behaviors and identifies some of the conditions that favor and undermine politicians’ satisfaction with democracy. This is a crucial research endeavor given elites’ influence on public opinion and democratic stability.

International Organization

Pushing Back or Backing Down? Evidence on Donor Responses to Restrictive NGO Legislation
Lucy Right, Jeremy Springman, Erik Wibbels
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As authoritarianism has spread globally, government efforts to stifle civic space have increased dramatically. Among the most alarming tactics has been the spread of restrictive laws targeting NGOs. While such laws threaten the core objectives of many foreign donors, they have become especially common in aid-dependent nations. How do foreign donors react to this assault on their local and international implementing partners? On the one hand, democracy-promoting donors might push back, ramping up support for advocacy in defiance of draconian measures. Alternatively, when aspiring autocrats make it difficult to work with local partners, donors might back down, decreasing support for democracy promotion. Testing these arguments using dyadic data on aid flows, an original data set of NGO laws, and a variety of research designs, we find that the donors most committed to democracy promotion back down in the face of restrictive NGO laws, reducing democracy aid by 70 percent in the years after laws are enacted. Our findings suggest that donor behavior creates strong incentives for backsliding governments in aid-receiving countries to use legislation to crack down on civil society.

Journal of Peace Research

Explaining election violence: A meta-analysis
Richard W Frank
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The literature on election violence lacks a consistent set of core predictors for why certain elections are violent and others are not. Between 2010 and 2022, 97 scholars published 65 peer-reviewed journal articles on this topic using quantitative research designs involving over 440 predictor variables. As a distinct research area, therefore, the study of election violence has reached a size and maturity where it is useful to take stock. Through a meta-analysis of 581 models, this article makes three key contributions. First, it finds that 13 of 44 variables consistently predict election violence, which highlights both the field’s fragmentation and most promising avenues for future research. Second, it reveals that election-specific factors like fraud and competitiveness are more reliable predictors than commonly studied structural conditions like democracy or economic development. Third, it shows that many predictors operate differently at national and subnational levels, with only population size and domestic conflict significant at both levels. This article’s findings suggest a greater focus is needed on election-specific triggers, explicit discussions about perpetrators and targets, and measurement issues.
Don’t blame it on ethnicity: The role of group identities and climate risks in farmer–herder relations in Senegal
Alexandra Krendelsberger, Francisco Alpizar, Lotje de Vries, Han van Dijk
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In the Sahel region, disputes between farmers and herders are often linked to religious, ethnic, and resource conflicts. Farmer–herder relations are put under pressure by negative out-group perceptions and affected by resource constraints, particularly those created by changes in climatic conditions. This study makes two key contributions: first, it examines the impact of in-group and out-group identities on farmer–herder relations under uncertainty; and second, it integrates qualitative and quantitative methods. In this study, a public good experiment was conducted with 332 farmers and herders in Senegal comparing in-group and out-group identity priming effects under individual and collective risks. The experiment was paired with 14 in-depth focus group discussions (FGDs) to elicit key mechanisms for in-group and out-group cooperation. The results show that priming out-group membership reduces cooperation towards out-group members, especially among farmers. Interestingly, herders reduced cooperation in response to in-group primes, likely attributable to rivalry between local and mobile herders. FGDs revealed that negative perceptions of mobile herders (transhumant pastoralists) drive this behavior. Additionally, introducing collective risks, such as those resulting from climate change, worsens in-group–out-group biases. The findings highlight the need to address negative stereotyping of mobile herders to prevent escalations of conflicts in relatively peaceful areas like Senegal, where farmers and herders regularly interact.
State repression and elite support for international human rights: Evidence from South Korean legislators’ democratization experiences
James D Kim
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Are politicians who have previously experienced human rights violations more supportive of promoting human rights abroad? Much of the literature on human rights advocacy has centered on actors at the international or state levels. By contrast, this article focuses on individual politicians and their personal life experiences. Understanding variations in commitment to global human rights among political leaders within a country is particularly important in legislative resolutions where each legislator’s roll-call vote directly impacts a bill’s outcome. I argue that legislators with firsthand experience of state repression are more likely to support promoting international human rights. Their shared experience with foreign victims fosters greater empathy and a moral obligation to stand with them. They also have electoral motivations, as human rights promotion is an issue of their ownership and aligns with voter expectations. I test my theory using original micro-level data on South Korean legislators’ state repression experiences during the country’s democratization in the 1980s and their roll-call votes on global human rights between 2020 and 2023. I address two major barriers to inference, generational and selection effects, by comparing politicians from the same generation who participated in protests based on the intensity of violence they experienced. I find that those who experienced severe forms of repression, such as torture, injury, and imprisonment, are more likely to support promoting human rights in other countries than those who faced lower-level repression. The results suggest that prior repressed experience is an important source of political elites’ preferences for international human rights, a topic that has received little attention in previous research.

Legislative Studies Quarterly

Cheerleaders for Autocracy: Parliamentary Speech Making During Democratic Backsliding in Malawi and Zambia
Nikolaos Frantzeskakis, Alejandra LĂłpez Villegas, Michael Wahman
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Legislatures worldwide have played a decisive role in enabling and preventing democratic backsliding. Although most research has focused on the formal legislative role of parliaments in the backsliding process, this study focuses on the behavior of individual legislators and their discursive support for executives. We argue that government parties are likely to enhance pressure on government party legislators to support the executive during periods of backsliding. Using a new dataset of over 152,000 speeches from parliaments in Malawi and Zambia, we show that in both Malawi and Zambia, government party MPs were significantly more positive vis‐à‐vis the executive in parliamentary speeches during periods of backsliding. However, opposition MPs were not more critical of the executive in periods when democracy was eroding. The findings have important implications for understanding the institutional role of parties and legislatures in the process of backsliding.

Party Politics

Inside parties: How party rules shape membership and responsiveness KernellGeorgia, Inside Parties: How Party Rules Shape Membership and Responsiveness. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2025, ÂŁ80.00 (Hardback)/ÂŁ25.99 (Paperback), ISBN 978-1-009-51465-1 Hardback; ISBN 978-1-009-51469-9 Paperback.
Gideon Rahat
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Elusive democracy: Dalit politics, elections, and the dilemmas of representation CollinsMichael A., Elusive Democracy: Dalit Politics, Elections, and the Dilemmas of Representation, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2025, $120.00 (HC), p, 288, ISBN 9781009567251
Juhong Chen, Yuhan Li
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Perspectives on Politics

Migration Governance in North America: Policy, Politics, and Community. Edited by Kiran Banerjee and Craig Damian Smith. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2024. 510p.
David Scott FitzGerald
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Rousseau’s God: Theology, Religion, and The Natural Goodness of Man. By John T. Scott. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2023. 272p.
Christopher Kelly
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Weaponizing Civilian Protection. Counterinsurgency and Collateral Damage in Afghanistan. By Thomas Gregory, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2025. 349p.
Astri Suhrke
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The Subversive Seventies. By Michael Hardt. New York: Oxford University Press, 2023. 312p.
Matteo Polleri
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Unsettled Families: Refugees, Humanitarianism, and the Politics of Kinship. By Sophia Balakian. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2025. 244p.
Meghana Nayak
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The Democratic Marketplace: How a More Equal Economy Can Save Our Political Ideals. By Lisa Herzog. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2025. 248p.
Pavel Skigin
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Coercing Syria on Chemical Weapons: A Case Study of Deterrence and Coercive Diplomacy. By Matthew Moran, Wyn Q. Bowen, and Jeffrey W. Knopf. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2025. 264p.
Margaret Kosal
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Political Behavior

The Reputational Penalty: How Fact-Checking Can Penalize Those Who Spread Misinformation
Jacob Ausubel, Annika Davies, Ethan Porter
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Political Geography

Reclaiming sovereignty over the body: Post-2022 Russian migration between bio-, thanato- and necropolitics
Tomasz Rawski, Zuzanna BogumiƂ, Katarzyna Roman-Rawska
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Reclaim the Night: fight for people-centric security and belonging, collectivisation in the everyday public
Poushali Basak
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Extimate nature: Environmental crisis and the Excluded
Ilan Kapoor
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River grabbing from the source: groundwater extraction and the self-perpetuating colonial practices of dispossession in Australia's Northern Territory
Sue Jackson, Erin O'Donnell, Matthew Currell
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Just treatment on a damaged planet: Can we crip one health? And should we?
Mollie Holmberg
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Political Psychology

How many words? Precision‐based sample sizes for assessment at‐a‐distance
Michael D. Young
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Assessment at‐a‐distance studies often assess whether a leader is high or low on a score by whether or not the leader's score is a standard deviation higher or lower than the reference group mean, both as a way of assessing an individual leader and of comparing two or more leaders. This practice assumes that scores derived from the minimum number of words are sufficiently precise and that comparisons with the reference group mean are meaningful. However, no information on the precision of these estimates has been available. The precision estimates generated in this study provide new tools to more robustly assess differences between leaders, including in cases where the original data is not available or not appropriate for other statistical tests.
Victimhood claims in German political manifestos
Marlene Voit, Lucas John Emmanuel Köhler, Stefan Matern, Karsten Fischer, Mario Gollwitzer
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Political campaigns often work with victimhood claims—stories construed around an (alleged) injustice that needs to be redressed or retaliated against. Notably, scholars have argued that victimhood claims have become more important in societal discourses over the last 20 years. In this research, we investigate the prevalence of victimhood claims (and a potential increase) in political election and party programs. More specifically, we analyzed programs from German Federal Parliament Elections between 2002 and 2021. Analyzing 157 documents from 69 parties, we show that (a) the number of victimhood claims has increased in parties represented in the Federal Parliament, and (b) that parties at the left and right fringes of the political spectrum employ victimhood claims more frequently than parties of the political center. We discuss these results with regard to the role that victimhood claims play in political campaigns and what consequences an increased prevalence of victimhood claims entails.
Review of DanielBar‐Tal’. Sinking into the honey trap: The case of the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict. Translated into English by Barbara Doron, Westphalia Press. 2023. 466 pp.
Marc Howard Ross
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PS: Political Science & Politics

Generic title: Not a research article
PSC volume 58 issue 4 Cover and Front matter
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Generic title: Not a research article
PSC volume 58 issue 4 Cover and Back matter
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Public Choice

The Russian–Ukrainian war: introduction to the symposium
Leonid Krasnozhon
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Public Opinion Quarterly

Politicultural Linking: Inferences Between Political and Apolitical Traits
Gaetano Scaduto
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Evidence concerning inferences between political and apolitical traits has grown exponentially in recent years. This thriving literature—dealing with research on political stereotypes and projection around sociodemographic, psychological, and lifestyle traits—is disconnected and needs to be placed under a unifying framework. To achieve this, we introduce “Politicultural Linking,” a concept subsuming political inferences from apolitical cues and apolitical inferences from political cues. Through an extensive literature review of the works produced since 2009, we discuss and classify research on this topic, identifying common features, strengths, and weaknesses, and depicting a comprehensive conceptual framework. Moreover, we identify relevant gaps in the literature: the underexploration of inferences involving lifestyle preferences, the overrepresentation of US-based studies, the overlooked role of projection, and the lack of non-survey-based research. Consequently, we aim to set the agenda for future studies on this topic.

Quarterly Journal of Political Science

The Minimal Effects of Union Membership on Political Behavior
Alan Yan
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Civilian Harm, Wartime Informing, and Counterinsurgent Operations
Austin L. Wright, Luke N. Condra, Jacob N. Shapiro, Andrew C. Shaver
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Winning Elections with Unpopular Policies: Valence Advantage and Single-Party Dominance in Japan
Shiro Kuriwaki, Yusaku Horiuchi, Daniel M. Smith
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For Reputation's Sake: Shifts in Corporate Political Activity After the Capitol Insurrection
Alexander Cohen
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The Journal of Politics

Legislators talk less about the future as they age
Chris Hanretty, Vesa Koskimaa, Patrick Leslie
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Unexpected and Small Hikes in Voting Costs Depress Turnout: Evidence from the 2021 Berlin Election
Jonas Fischer, Dominik FlĂŒgel
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Regimes, Leaders, and Lockdowns: Who Responded More Quickly to the COVID-19 Pandemic?
Joachim Wehner, Mark Hallerberg
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Body Politic: Disgust, Partisanship, and Public Opinion on Viral Outbreaks
Cindy Kam, John M. Sides
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Shielding Voters: How Partisanship Influences the Placement of Refugee Housing Facilities
Jeremy Ferwerda, Sascha Riaz
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The Distributive Basis of Tax Compliance
Pablo Beramendi, Asli Cansunar, Raymond Duch
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Religious Policy Cycles: How Does Religion Regulate Distributive Politics in Muslim Societies?
Ahmed Ezzeldin Mohamed
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