While research on the determinants of perceived discrimination among immigrants has rapidly increased in recent years, much of it focuses on adults, and far less is known about immigrant youth. This article addresses that gap by studying perceptions of discrimination among immigrant youth in Spain. We focus on the role of unmet educational expectations and parental background, as education and awareness play a key role in predicting discrimination perceptions among adults. We draw on a three-wave panel of respondents interviewed between the ages of 14 and 22. We find that unmet expectations — captured by the mismatch between adolescents’ expected and achieved educational levels — are not related to perceived discrimination. We also find little evidence that parental education is associated with their children's perceptions of discrimination. Instead, we find that parental experiences of discrimination largely shape their children's perceptions, highlighting a strong intergenerational transmission of perceptions of discrimination.

This article draws on the idea of ‘économie scripturaire’ (scriptural economy) developed by De Certeau, with the aim of comparing the scriptural practice of UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) as regards the administration and supervision of camps with letters written by refugees to describe their conditions, express their complaints, and set out their demands. Whereas the scriptural practice of UNHCR demonstrates the thinking and the institutional categories that prevail in the management of camps, the letters from refugees open up alternative accounts by introducing themes directly inspired by their experiences of violence and imprisonment and revealing the infrapolitical organization of camps. They are understood here as fragments of a counter-narrative about the camps and are the basis of a reflection on camp politics, understood in the sense of both UNHCR policy in conjunction with individual countries in relation to the creation, administration, control, and closure of the camps, and of the infrapolitics of the refugees within them.

In China, administrative‐led urbanisation, epitomised by the City‐County Merger (CCM) policy, has been a fundamental driver of urban expansion. While this territorial reorganisation aims to foster integrated regional development, its profound sociodemographic consequences, particularly on the settlement decisions of the massive migrants, remain a critical yet under‐explored area. This study examines whether and how the CCM reform, which converts counties into urban districts, affects migrants’ settlement intention. Employing a quasi‐experimental design and data from the China Migrant Dynamic Monitoring Survey (2010–2018) merged with county‐level statistics, we identify a robust positive causal effect of CCM on migrants’ settlement intention and identity recognition. Our mechanism analyses reveal that the policy operates through three channels: by expanding housing supply and improving affordability, by creating higher‐quality employment opportunities, and by enhancing the accessibility and quality of public services, especially in education and transportation. Furthermore, heterogeneity analyses indicate that the effect is more pronounced for migrants in economically developed regions, those with agricultural household registration (hukou), and highly educated individuals. The research underscores that administrative restructuring is not merely a geopolitical adjustment but a powerful instrument that can reshape migrants’ life trajectories by lowering institutional and economic barriers to urban integration. These findings offer significant implications for designing more inclusive and sustainable urbanisation policies in China and other economies undergoing state‐led urban transformation.

Refugee camps have long been theorized as spaces of exception, where sovereign power reduces displaced people to what Agamben terms ‘bare life’. While this frame captures the violence of camp governance, it depicts refugee‐migrants as passive and says little about how camp space is inhabited, contested and remade in everyday life, least of all from a gendered perspective. This article asks how the spatial and political organization of a camp shapes the sense of place and agency of Kurdish refugee‐migrant women. It draws on ethnographic fieldwork: semi‐structured interviews and participant observation conducted between 2017 and 2019 in two camps near Athens, both since closed: Lavrio, a self‐organized Kurdish camp shaped by Abdullah Ocalan's paradigm of democratic confederalism; and Skaramagas, a multi‐ethnic, state‐led camp later abandoned to fragmented humanitarian management. In Lavrio, women drew on a political habitus rooted in autonomous resistance through direct participation in decision‐making, communal organization, and the contestation of patriarchal norms, and turning the camp into a politically charged place of belonging, in sharp contrast to the depoliticized setting of Skaramagas. The article argues that a camp's spatial layout shapes social life without determining it: open, shared configurations can encourage encounter and a sense of community, while fragmented ones tend to discourage them, yet it is the camp's political organization that proves decisive in enabling women's agency, resistance and reconfigured gender relations.

The territorial concentration of the foreign‐born population in large cities is determined by the evolution of international migration flows, as well as by the internal demographic and migration dynamics of both native‐born and immigrant populations. Using data from 2012 to 2021, this study explores the role of intra‐urban migration in the evolution of these areas of concentration in the city of Barcelona. Specifically, it analyses the ten most prevalent immigrant origins and their intra‐urban migratory patterns in terms of spatial concentration, as defined through spatial analysis techniques, and how these patterns have evolved over the study period. The results show that, although patterns of immigrant concentration previously varied markedly by origin, they nevertheless converge towards a general trend of deconcentration.

LGBTQI+ Filipinos migrate from the Philippines to Europe for several reasons. However, why is Europe a favoured destination, particularly for transgender women of the Philippines? How do intermediaries become instrumental in linking minority migrants to the wider European landscape for integration? This article draws from the author's interviews, focus group discussions, ethnographic observations, and informal meetings with intermediary and support groups based in Europe, from 2003 to 2024. Using queer feminist and humanising methodologies, the results reveal that transpinays consider Europe as a dream destination for reasons pertaining to relational, security, safety and opportunities. It is reflected that for local and regional intermediaries based in Europe using humanising feminist approaches which mean individuated, intersectional and decolonial approaches to working with trans or queer migrants, are helpful in giving migrants some opportunities to learn and integrate better in the collective dreamland that queer Filipinos hope to call their “other home”.

This paper examines highly skilled migration from Turkey to the Netherlands in the aftermath of the 2016 coup attempt, focusing on how democratic backsliding shapes migration decisions. Drawing on 37 in‐depth interviews with academics, health professionals and engineers, the study explores how political pressures, shrinking freedoms and rising conservatism affect individuals' professional autonomy, social relationships, and everyday lives. The findings reveal five key drivers of migration: restrictions on basic democratic rights, erosion of legal protection, marginalization of secular lifestyles, conservative shifts in education and gender‐based insecurity. While earlier research acknowledged political factors in recent emigration from Turkey, this study shows how the repressive political climate permeates intimate domains, undermining trust, belonging and safety and thus motivates exit. By reframing highly skilled migration as a response to political and social ruptures rather than solely an economic or professional choice, the paper contributes to migration and political sociology and calls for more comparative, interdisciplinary research on politically driven migration under authoritarian regimes.

This study examines the experiences of transit or half‐way returnees along Ethiopia's eastern migration corridor—migrants who return from transit countries without reaching their intended destinations. Drawing on qualitative interviews with returnees from transit countries and Saudi Arabia, as well as key stakeholders, the study explores how migration trajectories shape return experiences and reintegration outcomes. The findings challenge linear understandings of return migration by demonstrating that return often occurs at different stages of the migration process due to deportation, border controls, insecurity or personal circumstances. Transit countries often become unintended destinations where migrants experience detention, exploitation, violence and economic hardship, resulting in interrupted migration projects and unplanned returns. The study contributes to return migration scholarships by showing how transit and half‐way returnees complicate existing typologies that link return motivations to the completion of migration projects. Return is better understood as part of a cyclical and ongoing migration process rather than a discrete departure–arrival–return sequence. Reintegration outcomes are shaped not only by economic conditions but also by social perceptions of migration success. Returnees who come back without achieving their migration goals often face stigma, debt and limited acceptance within their families and communities, while women and young returnees encounter heightened vulnerabilities. The findings further reveal tensions between returnees' aspirations for urban settlement and reintegration programmes focused on places of origin. Community‐driven rescue initiatives for stranded migrants illustrate strong collective responsibility but also raise ethical concerns, including the potential reinforcement of trafficking networks and the unintended encouragement of further migration. The article argues for a more dynamic understanding of return that recognises the spatial, temporal and social complexities of migration trajectories and reintegration processes.

Free Movement Regimes (FMRs) establish a mobility pathway that allows nationals of one country to enter, reside, and work within the territory of another state, extending well beyond the channels typically associated with conventionally defined migration. Despite their global prevalence and significance, they have attracted little scholarly and policy attention. This article introduces the Freemove Dataset, the first dataset to comprehensively map all bilateral and multilateral FMRs globally. Our aim is to identify every FMR in force or adopted between 1992 and 2024, analysing and comparing their provisions, so as to assess their growth and expansion. Additionally, this article presents some descriptive and analytical results for the Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) region. We demonstrate that the number of countries and regimes has increased enormously, resulting in a complex patchwork of partially overlapping bilateral and multilateral regimes. By employing indicator scorings to measure three clusters of FMR provisions (beneficiaries, rights and restrictions), we find that the depth of FMRs has significantly risen over the past three decades.

This article examines how the far-right political party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) mobilizes population replacement conspiracy theories, particularly the concept of Umvolkung , as a mode of political propaganda. While the genealogy of Umvolkung harks back to the Weimar Republic, and it is also tied to the racial and demographic engineering of the Nazi era, it has re-emerged in contemporary far-right discourse as a conspiracy theory of population replacement. In this article, I argue that the AfD’s deployment of population replacement conspiracy theories operates as biopolitical technologies seeking to legitimize exclusionary projects such as the “ Remigration” program. Ultimately, I contend, population replacement conspiracy theories promote a biopolitical vision of protecting the national racially characterized social body from the existential threat of replacement through tightening border regimes, reconceptualizing concepts of citizenship and naturalization, and entertaining the political death of those racially characterized as non-Germans by means of exclusion-remigration imaginaries.

Within-person changes in racial attitudes influence presidential vote switching in the United States, but not all forms of racial attitude change are equally consequential. An analysis of a three-wave panel of American National Election Studies respondents from 2016, 2020, and 2024 contrasts two types of racial attitude change: perceptions of discrimination against Black Americans and relative racial affect (the difference in warmth toward white versus Black Americans). First, difference and fixed-effects models, which leverage within-person variation, reveal that decreases in perceived discrimination predict movement toward the Republican presidential candidate and shifts in relative racial affect show no association with vote choice. Reverse causality tests reinforce a directional effect from attitudinal change to vote change. There is minimal evidence that those who switched from voting for a Democrat to a Republican shift their racial attitudes in response. These findings demonstrate that dynamic grievance about racial injustice is a key driver of partisan realignment, highlighting that cognitive assessments of discrimination, rather than general racial affect, are central to understanding changes in electoral behavior.

This article analyses how Danish newspapers portray Greenland drawing on Critical Race Theory, focusing on interest convergence and whiteness as a normative framework. Drawing on qualitative and quantitative content analysis of contemporary Danish media coverage of political, economic, and social debates concerning Greenland, the findings reveal a consistent pattern of instrumentalization. Across most articles, Greenland is portrayed less as an autonomous political actor than as a strategic asset, while coverage prioritizes Danish perspectives and only marginally includes Greenlandic voices. This reflects interest convergence, in which recognition of Greenlandic autonomy appears primarily when aligned with broader Danish or Western strategic priorities. By contrast, whiteness as norm operates in more uneven, context-dependent, and subtle ways. The study shows that media discourse not only reflects but also actively reproduces systemic inequalities and colonial power asymmetries, shaping how Greenlandic self-determination is publicly understood and contested.